The question of whether abortions can be provided on Indian reservations in anti-abortion states isn’t a new one, but it’s been renewed in the past week.
With the U.S. Supreme Court poised to reverse the Roe v. Wade decision, choice advocates are finding ways for women to obtain abortion services in states like Oklahoma, which will ban the procedure except to save the life of the woman.
One possibility is for abortions to be provided on tribal lands.
In Oklahoma, the 2020 Supreme Court ruling known as McGirt found that the Muscogee reservation was never de-established for purposes of criminal prosecutions. That has been extended to five other tribes located in the state, covering about 40% of eastern Oklahoma.
The decision reaffirmed the reservations’ existence but didn’t give a clear view on how that intersects with anti-abortion laws, says Aila Hoss, an assistant professor of law at the University of Tulsa specializing in Indian law and health law.
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“Other tribes have wrestled with this question,” she said. “The same conversation about safe havens happened in 2006 in South Dakota when abortion bans were being passed. None of this is unique to Oklahoma. The criminal jurisdiction is the same anywhere in Indian Country.”
The federally funded Indian Health Service cannot provide abortions because of the 1976 Hyde Amendment. It forbids using federal money for abortions except in cases of rape or incest or to save the woman’s life.
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States that provide coverage for abortions as part of their Medicaid programs have gotten around the law by keeping federal funds separate from operations of abortion facilities.
With tribal sovereignty, it’s possible for tribal citizens with medical licenses to perform abortions because the state doesn’t have the authority to prosecute them. It could cause problems if the state decides to assess a fine or revoke the medical license.
The situation of legality depends on who owns the clinic, state law, tribal code and tribal citizenship status of the patient and provider, Hoss said.
“It really depends on a lot of factors,” she said.
Case law around the power of states regulating activities on tribal land typically addresses taxation, but the principles may fold into health regulation.
A 1980 Supreme Court case — The Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation v. Washington — found that a state could exert regulation over non-tribal citizens on tribal reservations in certain situations. The case dealt with cigarette taxation in tribal smokeshops.
A companion case that year — the White Mountain Apache Tribe v. Bracker — held that a non-Indian contractor working exclusively for a tribe on the tribe’s reservation was not subject to state taxation.
It gets murkier when Indian law moves into civil cases.
Oklahoma passed a Texas-style civil abortion law, Senate Bill 1503, that opens up a Wild West of potential lawsuits. Anyone can sue anyone suspected of assisting in an abortion — like providing a phone number, giving a ride or providing funding.
“When entering civil jurisdiction, things get complicated,” Hoss said. “There is more variability in how courts decide when a state can assert jurisdiction within the boundaries of the reservation, especially over members. The analysis is very unpredictable.”
That unpredictability is what the law was meant to create: a chilling effect. Lawmakers supporting the bill want the threat of a lawsuit to scare people away.
Challenges to the Texas law are making their way through the courts, centered on whether civil jurisdiction is appropriate to enforce criminal laws. It could be overturned eventually.
In the context of a state asserting civil jurisdiction in Indian country, the federal courts have been inconsistent in rulings, Hoss said.
“There is a political and legal calculus, especially post-McGirt,” Hoss said. “McGirt created so much animosity and misinformation about criminal jurisdiction in Indian County. The Supreme Court could change settled criminal or civil jurisprudence. Are you willing to take that risk?
“The more legal issues that come up, the more opportunity there is to litigate and more opportunity to change the law. There are a lot of things to think through.”
The backdrop is that Indigenous women are two times more likely to experience rape or sexual assault. Three out of five Native women have been assaulted in their lifetime.
“Access to abortion care is incredibly important for Indigenous people because of a variety of issues,” Hoss said.
“They have been denied access to health care, and federal law long failed tribes in providing consistent quality care. The Hyde Amendment disproportionately burdens Indigenous women if you get primary care through Indian Health Services.”
Gallery: Abortion legislation in Oklahoma through the years
Senate Bill 139: 2007
Public money and institutions are prohibited from being used to perform abortions in a measure that allowed abortions to save a mother's life, as well as in cases of rape or incest.
House Bill 2780: 2010-2012
The Oklahoma Supreme Court threw out a law requiring any woman seeking an abortion to have an ultrasound within an hour of the procedure and have its contents described to her, as well as another that put restrictions on the RU-486 abortion-inducing drug, and a ban on all medication abortions.
Senate Bill 1433: 2012
In 2012 the House Republican Caucus decided not to hear a measure that would have declared personhood at conception. The Oklahoma Supreme Court ruled that an initiative petition to have personhood declared at conception was unconstitutional. It would have let voters decide on an initiative defining a fertilized egg as a "person," thereby banning abortion and most forms of contraception.
House Bill 2226: 2013-2014
Rose Day at the Capitol in Oklahoma City is a faith-based event in which people talk with legislators about anti-abortion legislation and other issues.
An Oklahoma County judge threw out a 2013 law that would have required women under 17 to have a prescription to obtain the "morning after" birth control pill.
Senate Bill 1848: 2014-2016
The state high court on Dec. 14, 2016, struck down a law that would have required doctors who perform abortions to have admitting privileges at a hospital within 30 miles.
Oklahoma's Senate Bill 1848, passed and signed in 2014, was ruled unconstitutional for creating an undue burden on a woman’s right to terminate a pregnancy. A similar Texas law had been struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court only months earlier.
House Bill 2684: 2014
An Oklahoma County judge threw out a law that would have required doctors who treat women seeking a medication abortion to use a decade-old method considered less safe, less effective and more expensive. It required doctors to follow U.S. Food and Drug Administration protocols and barred off-label uses.
House Bill 1721: 2015
An Oklahoma County judge in October 2015 issued an injunction on a law that would have banned dilation and evacuation, a common second-semester abortion procedure.
The authors, Rep. Pam Peterson, R-Tulsa, and Sen. Josh Brecheen, R-Coalgate, called it the “Oklahoma Unborn Child Protection from Dismemberment Abortion Act."
Senate Bill 642: 2015-2016
The Oklahoma Supreme Court threw out a law targeted against child rapists that would have forced abortion providers to take a sample of the fetal tissue when the abortion patient is younger than 14 and send it to the Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation.
The bill violated the state constitutional requirement that bills contain one subject, according to the ruling stating it had provisions that subject abortion providers to new requirements and penalize them substantially for violations.
Senate Bill 1552: 2016
Gov. Mary Fallin vetoed a bill that would have made it a felony for physicians to perform abortions and revoke their medical licenses unless the abortion was necessary to save the life of the mother.
“The bill is so ambiguous and so vague that doctors cannot be certain what medical circumstances would be considered ‘necessary to preserve the life of the mother,’ ” Fallin said in a statement about the measure by Sen. Nathan Dahm, R-Broken Arrow.
Senate Bill 612, effective August 2022
Attorney General John O’Connor (left) stands behind Gov. Kevin Stitt as he signs Senate Bill 612, which will provide a near-total abortion ban.
The law makes abortion a felony for those who provide the care, punishable by up to 10 years in prison and a $100,000 fine. It makes an exception only for an abortion performed to save the life of the mother.
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