Mayor G.T. Bynum apologized Monday for the city government’s role in the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. The apology, posted on his Facebook page, comes 100 years to the day that violence erupted in the historically Black neighborhood of Greenwood.
The racial violence of May 31-June 1, 1921, destroyed 35 blocks, killed at least 37 people — and likely many more — and left thousands homeless. At the time, Greenwood was one of the most prosperous Black communities in the country, with its commercial district known as Black Wall Street.
“While no municipal elected official in Tulsa today was alive in 1921, we are the stewards of the same government and an apology for those failures is ours to deliver,” Bynum wrote. “As the Mayor of Tulsa, I apologize for the city government’s failure to protect our community in 1921 and to do right by the victims of the Race Massacre in its aftermath.
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“The victims — men, women, young children — deserved better from their city, and I am sorry they didn’t receive it.”
Bynum said that although there is much debate over how to end racial disparities, the community is united in its desire to do so.
“When you have people with such a diverse range of life experience and passion striving to address an issue they care about deeply, it can sometimes get heated and personal,” Bynum wrote. “But at its best, Tulsa is a community of neighbors who love one another — so we should expect this to be personal.
“And all of the most powerful improvements in American history were forged through a vigorous exchange of ideas.”
Bynum said it was important to note that Tulsa is not the only city in the country with disparities among its residents.
“What is unique to Tulsa is that we are being completely transparent about the existence of those disparities in our city and are uniting our community behind eliminating them,” he wrote.
Bynum was referring in part to the city’s Equality Indicators reports, which look annually at access to transportation, income levels and dozens of other metrics to assess how various sectors of the community are faring.
Bynum has also consolidated the city’s major economic development boards and commissions into one organization whose stated mission is to promote shared prosperity and reduce racial disparities.
Bynum is not in favor of reparations in the form of cash payments for Race Massacre descendants.
“The challenge I have with that is, where does the cash come from? In most approaches that I have heard about, it would come from a legal settlement that would result in a property tax being levied through our sinking fund,” Bynum told the Tulsa World in an earlier interview. “And so … you would be financially penalizing this generation of Tulsans for something criminals did 100 years ago, which I can’t support. You would also be taxing the descendants of victims, which I can’t support.”
Bynum said the other approach to reparations, one which he embraces, is acknowledging disparities and working to address them.
During his time in office, the city has established a Resilient Tulsa strategy and created the Mayor’s Office of Resilience and Equity to carry out the strategy. More than $1 billion in private investment has been directed into the city’s historically Black neighborhoods in north Tulsa since he took office, Bynum said.
“I don’t have an issue with trying to find a way to make things right by the victims and their families. That is the whole reason we are doing the (Race Massacre) grave search, that’s the reason we are doing so many other things, is to close the racial gaps that exist in our city,” Bynum said. “Direct cash payments do not solve larger issues that have been allowed to fester in Tulsa for a century.”
Mayor’s statement
Here is the entirety of Mayor G.T. Bynum’s Monday statement on the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre Centennial:
“Today marks 100 years since the worst moment in our city’s history. For those of us who love Tulsa, the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre represents the opposite of everything we want our city to be: hate rather than love; division rather than unity; destruction rather than creation; wickedness rather than faith.
“As mayor, I hold our local government to the highest standard. Tulsa’s city government failed to protect Black Tulsans from murder and arson on the night of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre, and from discrimination in subsequent decades.
“While no municipal elected official in Tulsa today was alive in 1921, we are the stewards of the same government and an apology for those failures is ours to deliver. As the Mayor of Tulsa, I apologize for the city government’s failure to protect our community in 1921 and to do right by the victims of the Race Massacre in its aftermath. The victims—men, women, young children—deserved better from their city, and I am so sorry they didn’t receive it.
“In the last five years, we’ve seen Tulsa’s city government place the fight against racial disparities at the forefront of the City’s work. And it is important for Tulsans to recognize the disparities that exist in Tulsa today are not unique to Tulsa. The same disparities unfortunately exist in many cities around the United States. What is unique to Tulsa is that we are being completely transparent about the existence of those disparities in our city and are uniting our community behind eliminating them.
“Tulsans are united in wanting to end racial disparity. People in all parts of our city—people of different backgrounds, races, religions, political parties—want Tulsa to be a place where every kid has an equal opportunity for a long, successful life. And they want to play a part in making that happen.
“There is a lot of debate in Tulsa right now about the best ways to make that happen. When you have people with such a diverse range of life experiences and passion striving to address an issue they care about deeply, it can sometimes get heated and personal. But at its best, Tulsa is a community of neighbors who love one another—so we should expect this to be personal. And all of the most powerful improvements in American history were forged through a vigorous exchange of ideas.
“All of us engaged in this work know that it will take years of sustained effort to correct inequalities that grew over more than a century in Tulsa. I am thankful for everyone in our community who is committed to this work for the long term.
“Each of the initiatives below include many strategies being deployed to close gaps and make Tulsa a better city. Each of those strategies provides an opportunity for engagement, based on your level of expertise or interest. I hope all of my fellow Tulsans will find a way to join in these or other efforts. If the last few years have taught us anything, it is that Tulsans can overcome every great challenge when we work together.”
For those who want to engage particular aspects of the City of Tulsa’s work to make ours a better city, there are a number of options:
To read our annual report that statistically measures inequality in Tulsa (the Tulsa Equality Indicators report): https://csctulsa.org/tulsaei/
To read our 6-year plan for addressing racial disparities in Tulsa (the Resilient Tulsa Strategy): https://www.cityoftulsa.org/media/7673/reslient-tulsa-digital-web.pdf
To learn more about the Mayor’s Office of Resilience and Equity, the team we established to follow through on the Resilient Tulsa Strategy: https://www.cityoftulsa.org/government/resilient-tulsa/
To follow our search for the graves of 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre victims: http://www.cityoftulsa.org/1921graves
To learn more about the Tulsa Authority for Economic Opportunity, our new authority established to use economic development as a driver of equality of opportunity in Tulsa while streamlining development processes and consolidating several old authorities: https://www.thenewlocalism.com/newsletter/tulsa-and-the-remaking-of-urban-governance/“
Black Tulsa never really recovered from the devastation that took place 100 years ago, when nearly every structure in Greenwood, the fabled Black Wall Street, was flattened and as many as 300 people were killed.
Tulsa Race Massacre: This is what happened in Tulsa in 1921
In 1921, white mobs invaded Greenwood and burned it down
In 1921, Tulsa was home to one of the most prosperous African American communities in the country. Businesses flourished along Greenwood Avenue — dubbed Black Wall Street, according to tradition, by the great educator Booker T. Washington. Residential neighborhoods spread out in a bustling community of several thousand souls. In a little more than 12 hours, it was gone. A riot that began at the Tulsa County Courthouse on the night of May 31, 1921, escalated into an all out assault on Greenwood on the morning of June 1. (Photo of Mount Zion Baptist church on June 1 courtesy Department of Special Collections, McFarlin Library, University of Tulsa) Read the story here
A growing but divided city had tensions rising. How World War I influenced residents.
Tulsa in the spring of 1921 was a proud place. In the space of a decade and a half, it had grown from a dusty town of a few thousand to a city approaching 75,000. Through hard work and luck, it had become the hub of the great Mid-Continent oilfield and had no trouble bragging about it.
But there were divisions in the city and tensions were rising after World War I. Read the full story
The influence of World War I
World War I cemented Tulsa’s position as a center of the burgeoning oil and gas industry. Much of the oil that powered the Allies to victory came through the city’s pipelines and refineries and much of its production was financed by Tulsa banks.
On a social level, the war created a heightened sense of patriotism that sometimes manifested itself in white vigilantism. The war also fostered a sense of purpose among black Americans. Some 350,000 served in the U.S. forces, and while most were relegated to support duties, a few units served in combat.
Black Americans came out of the war keenly aware of the injustices they faced at home, more confident of their own abilities and more willing to fight for their civil rights.
(Photo of downtown parade courtesy Beryl D. Ford Collection/Rotary Club of Tulsa)
Key figures in 1921
Local and state leaders during 1921 included police chiefs, the mayor, the National Guard's leader and members of the Tulsa community.
Tulsa Police Chief John Gustafson (pictured above) was among them. He was hired in April 1920 despite a previous dismissal from the force and a checkered background. See the key figures here
A.J. Smitherman and The Tulsa Star
The Tulsa Star, like its editor and publisher A.J. Smitherman, was spirited and bold and sometimes known to swim against the tide. It fought racism in all its manifestations, but also what it considered timidness on the part of African American leaders.
A typical editorial retort appeared on Nov. 27, 1920:
“If, as the Tulsa World says, there are leading Colored men who favor the ‘Jim Crow’ railroad transportation laws of Oklahoma, it is the opinion of the Star these so-called black leaders are ripe for a full coat of tar and feathers and a swift ride on fence rails out of any community in which they live.”
Greenwood was defined by freedom and opportunity
“I came not to Tulsa as many came, lured by the dream of making money and bettering myself in the financial world, but because of the wonderful cooperation I observed among our people, and especially the harmony of spirit and action that existed between the business men and women.”
That is the way Mary E. Jones Parrish, a young businesswoman, described Tulsa’s African American community in 1921.
(Photo above shows Black Wall Street after it was rebuilt. Courtesy of Tulsa Historical Society)
An encounter on an elevator and concerns about a lynching
We will probably never know exactly what happened in the Drexel Building (pictured above) elevator on the rainy morning of May 30, 1921.
The general outline of the story is that a young black man known as Dick Rowland got on the elevator on the third floor of the building at 319 S. Main St., and before the doors opened on the ground floor the white operator, Sarah Page, was screaming. Read the story
Two lynchings in 1920
Two lynchings on the last weekend of 1920 held important implications for Tulsa nine months later.
Lynchings in the early 1920s were still common — at least 61 in 1920, according to one source, and 64 in 1921. Most of the victims were black.
In Tulsa, a white drifter named Roy Belton, also known as Tom Owens, was taken from the Tulsa County jail on Aug. 28, 1920, and hung from a sign along what is now Southwest Boulevard near Union Avenue.
One day later, Claude Chandler, a black moonshiner accused of killing two lawmen and wounding a third, was taken from the Oklahoma County jail and hanged.
(Photo courtesy Tulsa Historical Society)
Tulsa Tribune article cited for sparking massacre
Dick Rowland’s arrest was reported in a front-page story in the May 31, 1921, afternoon Tulsa Tribune. Headlined “Nab Negro for Attacking Girl In an Elevator,” the somewhat sensational account reported, accurately if perhaps imprudently, that Rowland was to be charged with attempted assault. It said Rowland scratched Sarah Page and tore her clothes.
As early as June 1, the Tribune’s rival, the Tulsa World, quoted the Tulsa Police Department’s chief of detectives as saying the story was largely responsible for inciting whites to become aggressive.
Dick Rowland's life threatened while jailed as crowd gathers outside
After his arrest, Dick Rowland was taken to the city jail, a decrepit, bug-infested lockup at 15 W. Second Street that was notoriously inadequate, even by the meager standards of the day.
At about 4 p.m., Police Commissioner J.M. Adkison said later, he received an anonymous telephone call threatening Rowland’s life. After discussing the matter with Police Chief John Gustafson, it was decided to move Rowland to the county jail four blocks away. The jail was on the top floor of the county courthouse (pictured above). Read the story about the phone call
A crowd gathers and a shot is fired
That evening, a crowd began to form around the Tulsa County Courthouse, where Rowland was being held. No doubt most had read the Tribune story about his arrest or heard about it.
Certainly they had heard another lynching might be in the works. Sheriff W.M. McCullough said the only attempt to take his prisoner occurred at 8:20 p.m., when three white men entered the courthouse and were quickly turned away.
Tulsans take up arms and there are issues with special deputies
In the wake of the first shots, the Tulsa World reported a few hours later, “Armed men seemed to spring from everywhere ... Practically all hardware stores were emptied of guns and ammunition.”
Several hundred of the unarmed whites first went to the National Guard Armory on East Sixth Street, now the home of the Veterans of Foreign Wars Post 577, demanding weapons. They were faced down by Major James Bell, several of his men, a civilian and a motorcycle policeman named Leo Irish, with Bell telling them to get moving or get shot. Read the story
Special deputies blamed for murder and destruction
Although reluctant to send officers to the courthouse or accept help from the National Guard while the situation there could have been controlled, Tulsa’s police chief and police commissioner did not hesitate to hand out dozens — and probably hundreds — of special commissions after the shooting started on the night of May 31.
These special officers would be blamed for much of the murder and mayhem to follow. Major James Bell of the Oklahoma National Guard told his superiors “these special deputies were imbued with the same spirit of destruction that animated the mob. They became as deputies the most dangerous part of the mob and after ... the declaration of martial law the first arrests ordered were those of special officers.”
Fighting begins in Greenwood and the neighborhood is soon overrun
By shortly after midnight, African Americans and whites were exchanging gunfire across the Frisco railroad tracks and along Detroit Avenue north to Sunset Hill — the boundary between black and white Tulsa.
Col. L.J.F. Rooney, commanding the local National Guard units, deployed 30 members of his only rifle company to Detroit Avenue, where most of the best black-owned homes faced white homes across the street. Read the story
The invasion of Greenwood begins
Some said a loud whistle signaled the invasion of Greenwood. In any event, at dawn on the morning of June 1, the neighborhood was overrun.
Black Tulsans had been surrendering themselves to National Guardsmen patrolling the district’s western fringe throughout the night, but in the morning, roughly 30 men under the command of Capt. John McCuen advanced into Greenwood itself. Their orders were to take into custody every African American they could and subdue any who resisted. Read the story
Mobs won't let firefighters douse the flames
So intent were the white rioters on destroying Greenwood that they stopped firefighters from getting to the blazes.
Firefighters testifying in an insurance case several years later said they were threatened and even shot at when they arrived on the scene of the earliest fires. Later, they received orders from Fire Chief R.C. Alder not to respond to alarms from the black district because of the danger.
That order remained in effect until the fires were out of control. Read the story
(Photo courtesy Department of Special Collections, McFarlin Library, The University of Tulsa)
Airplanes flew over Greenwood as it was attacked
Six airplanes circled the Greenwood area during the morning hours of June 1.
What they were doing, and why there were so many, has long been a matter of passionate debate. Many people believe they were used to shoot at people on the ground and bomb Greenwood.
Officials said the small craft, generally thought to be two-seat, single-engine Curtis “Jenny” biplanes, were merely keeping track of activities on the ground and relaying the information through written messages dropped in weighted metal cylinders attached to streamers.
(Photo courtesy Department of Special Collections, McFarlin Library, The University of Tulsa)
National Guard called in, denies report that machine guns were used to kill dozens
Three active Oklahoma National Guard units were based in Tulsa on May 31, 1921: a rifle company (Third Infantry, Company B), a supply company and a sanitation detachment, which was essentially a medical unit.
The rifle company, commanded by Captain John McCuen, had an authorized strength of 65 but McCuen said he never had more than 30 men at his disposal during the violence.
A special train carrying 100 members of two rifle companies and a machine gun company was dispatched from Oklahoma City at about 5 a.m. on June 1 and arrived in Tulsa shortly after 8 a.m. Adjutant General Charles Barrett accompanied the train.
Report: Machine guns killed dozens; Guard denied it
The Tulsa Tribune, on June 1, citing “reports reaching police headquarters,” said “national guardsmen turned a deadly fire from two machine guns” on a group of African Americans, killing “half a hundred.”
Mary Jones Parrish, in her “Events of the Tulsa Disaster,” described machine gun fire from atop a grain elevator located south of the Frisco tracks with direct sight down Greenwood Avenue.
The National Guard vehemently denied the Tribune story. It said it had no machine guns in its Tulsa armory but “dug up” a disabled World War I souvenir that was driven around on the back of a truck in an attempt to intimidate the public.
(Photo courtesy Department of Special Collections, McFarlin Lbrary, The University of Tulsa)
Dr. A.C. Jackson was killed as he tried to surrender in his front yard
Of all the deaths resulting from the race massacre, none was more vividly documented than the murder of Dr. A.C. Jackson.
A well-known physician and surgeon, Jackson was also the most prominent person known to have died in the massacre.
According to Jackson’s white neighbor, former city commissioner John Oliphant, Jackson emerged from his house on North Detroit Avenue at mid-morning on June 1, after fighting in the area had subsided, with his hands in the air.
Death toll remains unknown; search for graves continues today
The number of people killed in the race massacre has been a mystery from the start.
As the June 2, 1921, Tulsa World reported, under a story headlined “Dead Estimated at 100”:
“The difficulty ... is caused by the fact that the bodies were apparently not handled in a systematic manner.”
Major Byron Kirkpatrick, a Tulsa attorney on Adjutant General Charles Barrett’s staff, acknowledged reports that “a number of bodies were removed in motor trucks operated by citizens.”
“Kirkpatrick said he did not know where (the bodies) were taken,” said the World, “whether they were placed at some specific point for later attention, if they were dumped into a large hole, or thrown into the Arkansas river.”
Black Tulsans were marched through the streets and detained at camps throughout city
Thousands of black Tulsans were taken into what was described as protective custody on May 31-June 1. Some were released within hours, while others remained in a camp at the fairgrounds for days and even weeks.
Gathering up African American residents was supposed to protect those not involved in fighting and help identify those who were. And those who surrendered do seem to have avoided the worst of the violence.
But the action also opened up the Greenwood District for marauding whites to burn and loot and shoot any blacks remaining in the neighborhood.
(Photo courtesy Department of Special Collections, McFarlin Library, The University of Tulsa)
Red Cross reports the massive devastation in Greenwood
Figures from July 31, 1921 Red Cross report
House burned 1,256
Houses looted but not burned 221
Families living in tents 245
Number of families registered 1,912
Number of persons registered 5,739
From Dec. 30, 1921 Red Cross report
Whites hospitalized at Red Cross expense 48
Blacks hospitalized at Red Cross expense 135
Red Cross first aid cases related to massacre 531
One-room homes constructed 180
Two-room homes constructed 272
Three-room homes constructed 312
One-story brick or cement buildings 24
Two-story brick or cement buildings 24
Three-story brick or cement buildings 3
Families living in tents 49
(Construction summary includes buildings not built with Red Cross assistance.)
Key locations in Tulsa during the 1921 Race Massacre
The tragedy began to unfold with an encounter in the Drexel Building that led to an arrest and a sensationalized newspaper report.
A crowd gathered at the courthouse as rumors of a lynching began to circulate.
Just hours later, Greenwood was destroyed.
Click here to see a 1921 map of Tulsa that shows where it happened.
Mount Zion Baptist Church was burned down but, like Greenwood, persevered and rebuilt
Amid the growing tension and subsequent violence rapidly sweeping through the Greenwood neighborhood, a rumor began circulating:
Mount Zion Baptist Church was acting as the headquarters for a black citizen-led uprising to engage in a counter offensive against the mob of white rioters who descended upon the area.
There was allegedly a stash of weapons and ammunition stored inside the church waiting to be deployed, according to the unsubstantiated story at the time.
An eyewitness account by William “Choc” Phillips, a white teenager, was documented in the 2001 report of the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921. It detailed what happened next that day 99 years ago, when armed white mobs swept through Greenwood killing and burning.
Phillips, who later became a Tulsa Police officer, described men firing machine guns at the church, where black riflemen attempted to protect their already damaged neighborhood.
(Photo courtesy of Tulsa Historical Society & Museum)
Tulsa Race Massacre: Quotes from survivors, officials and others
"There was a great shadow in the sky and upon a second look, we discerned that this cloud was caused by fast approaching aeroplanes. It then dawned upon us that the enemy had organized in the night and was invading our district the same as the Germans invaded France and Belgium."
Mary Jones Parrish, author of "Events of the Tulsa Disaster"
"I heard him holler and looked up and saw him coming about twenty-five feet away from me or thirty, with this hands up, and he said, 'Here am I.' ...
"I said to the fellows, "This is Dr. Jackson. Don't hurt him. ... Two men fired at him ... he fell at the second shot with the high powered rifle."
Former City Commissioner John Oliphant, describing the murder of Dr. A.C. Jackson
"... Some negoes who had barricaded themselves in houses refused to stop firing and had to be killed."
John W. McCuen, Captain of the B Company Third Infantry Oklahoma National Guard, in a written report
“After lining up some 30 or 40 of us men they ran us through the streets to Convention Hall, forcing us to keep our hands in the air all the while. While we were running some of the ruffians would shoot at our heels and swore at those who had difficulty in keeping up. They actually drove a car into the bunch and knocked down two or three men. When we reached Convention Hall, we were searched again. There people were herded in like cattle. The sick and wounded were dumped out in front of the building and remained without attention for hours.”
James T.A. West, High School Teacher (Source: "Events of the Tulsa Disaster)
“My greatest loss was my beautiful home and my family Bible. I am 92 years of age, so they failed to bother me.”
Jack Thomas (Source: "Events of the Tulsa Disaster")
“Shortly after daylight on Wednesday, June 1, 1921, I received a call to come to the hospital to dress two wounded men. I dressed hurriedly and started to the hospital. Just as I opened my front door a shot was fired at me from a nearby hill, the bullet grazed my leg. I shut the door. A few moments later my wife, hearing the shots, slightly opened the door and a second volley was fired.”
Dr. R.T. Bridgewater
Bridgewater was taken to Convention Hall to be held but soon was released. He returned to find his home ransacked. “I saw my piano and all of my elegant furniture piled in the street. My safe had been broken open, all of the money stolen, also my silverware, cut glass, all of the family clothing, and everything of value had been removed, even my family Bible.”
(Source: "Events of the Tulsa Disaster")
Photo courtesy of Department of Special Collections, McFarlin Library, The University of Tulsa
Tulsa Race Massacre: Recommended reading
If you're interested in learning more about the Tulsa Race Massacre, click this link to find four book recommendations.
Additional historical documents, including a 2001 commission's report, 1921 pages from the Tulsa World and Tulsa Tribune and more, click this link.
Tulsa Race Massacre / The Tulsa World Library
See all of the coverage of the race massacre in this special report.
Tulsa Race Massacre: Was 1921 the first aerial assault on U.S. soil?
A history of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre
Tulsa Race Massacre / The Tulsa World Library: See all of the coverage of the race massacre in this special report.
"The first time Americans were terrorized by an aerial assault was not Pearl Harbor," a CBS News story says leading up to coverage this weekend of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre.
"Scott Pelley reports on a race massacre in which an estimated 300 people, mostly African American men, women and children, were killed, and aircraft were used to drop incendiary devices on a black neighborhood in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The Greenwood Massacre of 1921 has been largely ignored by history, but Pelley finds a Tulsa community seeking to shed more light on what's been called the worst race massacre in history," a preview reads for a "60 Minutes" story airing 6 p.m. Sunday on CBS.
Context for viewers: Six airplanes circled the Greenwood area during the morning hours of June 1.
What they were doing, and why there were so many, has long been a matter of passionate debate. Many people believe they were used to shoot at people on the ground and bomb Greenwood.
Officials said the small craft, generally thought to be two-seat, single-engine Curtis “Jenny” biplanes, were merely keeping track of activities on the ground and relaying the information through written messages dropped in weighted metal cylinders attached to streamers.
To what extent this explanation was initially challenged is unclear, but in October 1921 the Chicago Defender published a story in which it said Greenwood had been bombed under orders of “prominent city officials.”
The story cited a Van B. Hurley, who the newspaper said had given a signed statement to Elisha Scott, a Kansas attorney.
Scott filed dozens of lawsuits on behalf of victims but doesn’t seem to have ever entered the Hurley affidavit into the record. There is no record of a Van B. Hurley living in Tulsa around the time of the massacre or that anyone by that name ever belonged to the Tulsa police force.
But that doesn’t mean the story did not have substance. Many people believed city officials were behind the burning of Greenwood, and the explanation that the squadron of planes was only used for surveillance struck some as suspiciously thin.
Certainly the planes had a great psychological impact on many. For example, Mary Jones Parrish wrote about them in her account, as did prominent attorney B.C. Franklin in his.
The Defender story said the planes dropped “nitroglycerin on buildings, setting them afire.”
But nitroglycerin is an explosive, not an incendiary. It is also highly unstable and dangerous.
That has caused some to speculate that something like Molotov cocktails might have been used, or “turpentine balls” — rags soaked in flammable liquid and wrapped around the head of a stick.
There are several practical reasons why trying to light and throw incendiary devices from an open cockpit airplane of that era would seem a difficult, dangerous and even foolish idea.
But that doesn’t mean it wasn’t done.
Tulsa Race Massacre / The Tulsa World Library: See all of the coverage of the race massacre in this special report.
Tulsa Race Massacre: This is what happened in Tulsa in 1921
Tulsa was home to one of the most prosperous African American communities in the country. Businesses flourished along Greenwood Avenue — dubbe…
Kevin Canfield
Staff Writer
I cover local government in Tulsa from the mayor to city council. Phone: 918-581-8313
